Civil
Rights Crimes in Adoption
or I Will Not Live Your Lie
Presentation by Dian P. Wellfare Origins Inc. NSW,
Sixth Australian Conference on Adoption:
From Separation to Reunion and Reconciliation
Brisbane, 13-15 June 1997
...............................
"We tend to designate as political the kind of conference at
which putting out fires with water buckets is discussed, with the proviso
that no-one inquire into the cause of the fires." - Pictures of a Childhood
by Alice Miller p.35
Preface:
This paper will focus on the adoption worker's responsibility
toward the unwed mother (in fact any mother) regarding the possible adoption
of her child, since 1958, how she was to personally request that adoption
papers be brought to her, how she was to be advised of financial assistance
and alternatives that might enable her to keep her child, how she was
to be warned of the risk of dire future regret and the potential psychological
harm that such a course of action may cause her, and how only when she
insisted upon the surrender of her child was an adoption to proceed. It
will explain why this did not occur, and how her rights have been entirely
contravened.
I was going to call this paper "Human Rights Crimes in Adoption"
but as Australia does not have a Human Rights Crimes Act, and any claim
of human rights violations has to be passed by Parliament, I have chosen
the name Civil Rights Crimes in Adoption, which by-passes the sanction
of Parliament and takes us straight into the Supreme Courts.
Twenty four years too late, but as soon as my mind allowed
me to confront the loss of my child, I went in search of my legal rights,
and in doing so, found that as a 16 year old mother in 1968, not only
did I have the legal right to keep my own baby after all, but that in
their rapacious quest for newborns, the adoption industry rather forgot
the law - in having introduced hospital practices and counselling procedures
that contravened not only their own manuals of adoption practice since
1958, but also the protection clauses of the Adoption of Children Act
of 1965, in their entirety.
In having exploited the fertility and trust of defenceless
young mothers, by systematically denying them all knowledge of their legal
rights and options; by using both overt and covert methods of coercion
to obtain consents; by actually promoting adoption - rather than following
their legal fiduciary duty of having to warn mothers' of the potential
harm such a course of action may cause them.
In having introduced de-humanising labour ward procedures
of violently snatching newborns from their mothers wombs during birth,
at a time when still in labour, a mother was bound by stirrups, awaiting
the expulsion of the placenta; by introducing policies forbidding eye
contact between mother and child to prevent bonding (culminating in a
violent trauma to the female psyche from which no mother is ever able
to recover).
In preventing lactation by the use of drugs or breast binding
prior to a consent being taken; by sedating mothers postnatally with hypnotic
barbiturates: by hiding babies from their own mothers therefore denying
mothers free access to their own babies; by separating and transporting
mothers without their babies to distant locations - all without due consultation,
permission or written consent from the mother, and by taking unenforcable
(and therefore invalid) consents from minors: I contend - were all violations
of the law.
This was adoption Australia-style.
These practices constitute coercion, undue influence, duress,
abduction, kidnapping, professional negligence, breach of duty of care,
assault, improper consent taking, and breach of fiduciary duty both by
the department of the then Child Welfare (now the Dept of Community Services)
in collusion with the Department of Health - in having violated their
right to be free from cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, to be free
from discrimination, free from arbitrary interference with their families,
and their right to be entitled to special protection as mothers.
I contend that those involved in these sadistic violations
were fully aware of the potential for psychological harm inherent in adoption
separation, and therefore are guilty of committing major human rights
crimes, and major civil rights crimes of gigantic proportions, to which
the Australian Government and their licenced adoption agencies are now
fully accountable.
These practices now bring into question the legal validity
of possibly every adoption consent taken since protection clauses were
introduced into adoption procedures in 1958, and reinforced through legislation
in 1965.
Based on supply and demand, the adoption of newborns, under
the guise of christian morality, relied on perverting the principles of
nature (or God's master plan) in treating unwed mothers as breeders, devoid
of human instincts and emotions, giving rise to the diabolical concept
that total strangers (guaranteed a waiting period of no longer than 12
months for a newborn), were entitled to claim an already developing fetus,
or one yet to be conceived - as their own.
So permanently traumatised by such unspeakable inhumanity
against them, and being then accused of having given away their own babies,
the young mothers themselves were unable to give voice to their horror,
and those who did try to speak out during the 1960's-70's and 80's, were
conveniently dismissed (silenced) by both the adoption industry and the
courts themselves. Thus the public remained unaware of the workings of
this wicked system until recent years.
I also intend to refute the myth that adoption was ever
"in the best interest of the child", by explaining how the true meaning
of the term has been misrepresented with malicious intent, to be used
as the key to the smooth functioning of what began as a monstrous (but
illicit) social cleansing campaign that ran away with itself, and came
to be seen as "a wonderful community service" for childless couples.
And finally, although this paper focuses on adoption practices
within New South Wales, every state in Australia followed similar adoption
procedures, although dates may differ from state to state.
The Adoption Act refers to the Adoption of
Children Act 1965.
RESPONSIBILITY TOWARD THE UNWED MOTHER WHERE IT ALL BEGAN
Perhaps the best place to begin this paper is by explaining
when protection regulations were introduced into the treatment of unwed
mothers, and how the adoption industry contravened those rules - and damned
us all to hell.
The legal responsibilities in the treatment of unwed mothers
began as a consequence of the famous legal case of "Mace v Murray"
in 1953, where an unwed mother tried unsuccessfully to reclaim her child
from the adoptive parents who refused to return the child to its rightful
mother. This resulted in a sensational legal battle which split the nation.
As a consequence of that legal case, and in order to protect
adopters from the disappointment of having to return the child, new regulations
were introduced to ensure that in future any mother forced to consider
adoption was to be made fully aware of the consequences of her actions,
to enable her to live with her decision for the rest of her life, without
regret and without redress.
CHILD WELFARE MANUAL OF ADOPTION PRACTICE 1958
According to a report by John Bowlby, M.A., M.D. on behalf
of the World Health Organization as a contribution to the United Nations
programme for the welfare of homeless children, in 1952, it had become
recognised world wide that a mother should be assisted in keeping her
child within its own family where ever possible. Adoption and fostering
in that order were the next alternatives but only if keeping the child
was not an available option.
And so by 1958, according to the NSW Child Welfare manual
of adoption practice, provisions were made to protect children from maternal
deprivation by assisting the unwed mother in keeping her child out of
institutions and foster homes by providing financial assistance. The training
manual explains that:
"Most of the babies come from large public hospitals where
the mother has indicated that she does not desire to keep her child. In
these cases the mother is visited in hospital by a specialist Lady District
officer who explains to the mother the facilities (assistance) which the
Department can offer to affiliate the child."
These include:
- To assist with monetary allowance (section 27 aid. Destitute
Persons Act).
- Or by admission to State control until the mother is better
placed to resume custody and control of the child.
When all of these aids have been rejected and the mother
still desires to surrender the child for adoption the full import of surrendering
her child is explained (this included warning the mother of the risk of
dire future regret if she should decide upon adoption).
Only when the mother still INSISTS does the department's
officer prepare a form of surrender. This form must be witnessed by a
Justice of the Peace who in turn must furnish an affidavit to the effect
that the instrument of consent was read and explained to the mother and
in the belief of the Justice was understood by the mother."
Because of the demand for newborns, these regulations were
clearly never followed, as it has been generally assumed that financial
assistance for unwed mothers only became available in 1973, no mother
has ever been warned of the risks associated with adoption separation
(in fact quite the contrary), nor was there a third person (or J.P.) present
upon signing a consent. And yet district officers have all signed affidavits
to the effect of having carried out their legal obligations.
Although unbeknown to most, prior to the introduction of
the new Adoption Act 1965, if her circumstances changed, a mother
had until an adoption order was made to reclaim her child. This meant
that by law the mother had anything from a few weeks to eighteen months
depending on the speed upon which an adoption order was finalised through
the Supreme Court. The mere placement of a child with adopters was simply
an interim placement and was not legally binding.
Nevertheless, as adopters felt unable to bond with the baby
under threat of its mother coming back to reclaim her child, to alleviate
any greater stress than necessary, the new Adoption Act 1965 would
reduce the mother's revocation period to a maximum of 30 days. But again
many mothers knew nothing of the newly introduced revocation period.
The many thousands who did know and who attempted to reclaim
their babies within the legally permitted time, had been told the child
had already been placed and therefore it was all too late and too bad.
In many instances their babies had not even left the hospital at the time
of attempting revocation.
WHY IT OCCURRED
By the late 1950's, having debunked the bad blood theory,
through the nature v nurture debate, social workers had effectively unleashed
a monster in having instigated a frenzied demand by childless couples
for babies. By the mid 1960's, the media, adoption agencies and politicians
had become inundated with complaints of how it was taking far too long
to obtain a baby once the decision to adopt had been made. Hansard reports
the problem was not that of administrative delays - there were simply
not enough babies to go around.
Eventually unwilling to take older children, with everyone
demanding only perfect newborns with a "clean slate", by the early 1960's
a policy was being engineered to kill two birds with one stone - to control
illegitimacy by using the babies of unwed mothers as a cure for infertility.
but it meant having to promote adoption as being in the best interest
of the child to meet social approval. It also relied upon disregarding
all legal regulations and protection clauses in relation to the treatment
of unwed mothers in order to fill the orders placed for newborns.
SOCIAL CLEANSING & WHAT IT WAS BASED ON
Just as Hitler began his social cleansing campaign by first sterilising
anyone considered to be social misfits, (a trend he followed from the Eugenics
Institute of Virginia USA) so too did Australia follow a social cleansing
campaign based on a yet another predicted trend coming out of the USA, (this
time) to eradicate unwed mothers from society.
In his highly referenced book titled Unmarried Mothers
(1961) based on research conducted into mothers who kept and mothers who
gave up their babies, Clark Vincent explains the propaganda on which the
new Adoption of Children Act 1965 would become based, and how the
term "in the best interest of the child" would become the tool used to
pry newborns away from their own mothers at birth to supply the demand.
Vincent's book concludes (in part) with the prediction that:
"If the demand for adoptable babies continues to exceed
the supply... then it is quite possible that, in the near future, unwed
mothers will be "punished" by having their children taken from them right
after birth." He explains that:
"A policy like this would not be executed - nor
labelled explicitly as "punishment". Rather, it would be implemented
by such pressures and labels as - scientific findings, the best interest
of the child, rehabilitation of the unwed mother, and the stability
of family and society."
Vincent had let that (socially engineered) cat out of the
bag in 1961, but it took a further 5 years to engineer a networking arrangement
between 314 various departments and agencies within NSW, to implement
Vincent's predictions thus ensuring the successful functioning of their
new social cleansing campaign. The peak years of the closed adoption policy
(between 1967-73) proudly referred to in social work circles as the "bumper
adoption era" was to last as long as Hitler's peak reign of terror. Six
years.
RAPID ADOPTIONS
I should note here that in 1967 with the proclamation of
the new Adoption Act 1965, giving mothers protection as never before
(apparently), concerns had been raised by the medical profession regarding
what they considered to be the best form of adoption. These were known
as "rapid adoptions."
A rapid adoption was a process whereby the parents of a
recently stillborn child (not having intended to adopt) were offered a
substitute baby to replace their own dead infant so as not to leave the
hospital empty handed. But the decision had to be made quickly as the
swap had to be made prior to leaving the hospital. As the grieving mother
of the stillborn, in having just given birth could immediately breastfeed
the alien child, this was considered to be a much favoured adoption variable
by the medical profession. It relied simply on swapping the dead infant
for an available recently born ex-nuptial one.
Naturally the security of such a placement was imperative
and may well have relied on telling the unwed mother her baby had been
stillborn to ensure she didn't try to reclaim her child.
Rapid adoptions were very much discussed at the preceding
seminar which proclaimed the Adoption of Children Act 1965 in NSW
and could well be the answer to the recently exposed adoption/stillborn
scandal of 1996 where many unwed mothers across the country, having been
told their babies had been stillborn, have reunited with their so-called
dead babies in recent years. Their children had been taken for adoption
instead.
A NEGLIGENT EXPERIMENT IN CHILD PLACEMENT
Having anticipated a huge increase in available babies,
by introducing procedures to accommodate the new Adoption Act 1965,
(while simultaneously trying to placate unwed mothers by promising perfect
lives with ideal parents for their babies), it was decided that no infertile
married couple with a potential to remain alive for 20 years (other than
alcoholics and those with the more severe forms of psychiatric disturbances)
should be denied a baby if they so wished. According to McLelland, McWhinnie
and O'Collins, the placement of babies with substitute families was no
more than a hit and miss affair, being nothing short of a negligent experiment
with the lives of children supposedly being adopted "in their best interest".
In 1966, according to Maev O'Collins of Melbourne's Catholic
Family Welfare Bureau the selection of suitable adoptive parents was:
"in many cases only a little better than chance, and our
ability to assess possible problems must leave a greater margin for error
than perhaps in any other field of social welfare.....Often (she explains)
we are affected by overcrowded nurseries and insufficient couples applying
to adopt hard to place children ...This may mean that in the "stress"
of the moment we place a child hurriedly, perhaps too soon, perhaps to
the wrong couple, perhaps to unsuitable people."
O'Collins further explained in 1966, that:
"Studies to determine the success or failure in adoption
may not readily be assessed validly - until 15 or 20 years after the original
placement."
That timing coincided nicely with legislative changes in
Victoria by 1985. The experiment on our children had obviously failed.
In 1967 McLelland, referred to the historical developments
in the selection of adoptive parents where efforts were also being made
to recruit those prepared to take hard to place children:
"including those who were by no means ideal".
McWhinnie scathingly attacked adoption as a hit and miss
affair in 1967, publicly exposing (via the Daily Mirror), the findings
of research she had conducted on 58 adult adoptees. Of her 58 guinea-pigs,
only 15 were well adjusted and considered their childhood to be happy
and successful, 10 were poorly adjusted and 21 were still struggling with
severe immediate emotional problems relating to adoption. The rest were
considered to be intermediate.
IN WHOSE INTEREST? EXPLOITING NEWBORNS.
The promotion of adoption in light of mountains of psychiatric
case studies clearly indicating the longterm detrimental effects and problems
associated with adoption and maternal deprivation on the child at or soon
after birth - dating back to the 1940's, all of which, having been totally
ignored by the adoption industry is a clear act of negligence (if not
child abuse) and is certain indication that the interest of the child
was of no more concern in the adoption equation than that of his mother.
According to their own documentation, the adoption industry's
main concern was the effect of infertility within marriage, with the overall
success of newborn adoption being based solely upon meeting the needs
of childless couples - the premise being that emotional issues pertaining
to infertility could be alleviated by providing an infant young enough
to be "just as if" born to the adopting couple, not to mention the worker's
own personal satisfaction of playing God (their words) by using a child
as a placebo in providing a family where before one did not exist - a
fact compounded in more recent years by the adoption industry seeing itself
as being in "crisis" as a result of adoptable babies being in short supply.
In a less savage society it is the abandonment of babies that would be
seen as the "crisis".
UNWED MOTHERS AS BREEDERS
PSYCHOLOGICAL ABUSE & AND MIND CONTROL
Their minor concern (again using their own words) was in
locating enough babies, and finding ways of getting the unwed mother to
accept the required separation from her child in order to meet their demand.
It meant the implementation of psychological abuse and mind control.
In relation to the treatment of the unwed mother, and irrespective
of both the law and mother nature, by 1967 according to McLelland's unresearched
theories, it was decided that to enable an unwed mother to live for the
rest of her life without her child, it had become "obvious" that during
pregnancy:
"she must come to see her child as being a separate
individual from herself with needs of his own."
To do this her fetus would be referred to as "the baby"
rather than "her baby" at all times.
Using abusive psychological cruelty, common practice was
to remind the mother she was simply carrying the fetus for its "real parents",
if she dared speak of keeping her baby at all. Upon taking a consent,
she was told she could have "children of her own" when she married - whereas
almost 50% of mothers were unable to conceive again, making the adoption
industry instrumental in causing infertility in otherwise fertile young
women.
Further deceit was warning young mothers, (if the baby's
father remained on the scene) that he would come to hate both her and
the baby if she forced him into marriage - and worse - she would end up
hating her own baby if she kept him.
Perhaps the most common of all coercive practices was to
convince oppressed and unsupported young mothers that it was "in her child's
best interest" to be surrendered for adoption - and any mother who really
loved her baby would want what was best for the child. To want to keep
the baby would be selfish and would indicate that she was a "bad mother".
Other tactics were not as subversive. Mothers were tricked,
lied to, restrained to beds, coerced and bullied into signing blatently
obvious, uninformed consents. Consents were often taken prior to - and
immediately upon birth and post-dated to accommodate the legal requirement
of leaving three clear days before signing. Others signed empty documents
that would be typed in by the officer at a later date.
Using oppression, fear, trauma and sedation to acquire signatures,
and without an informed decision anywhere in sight, made for easy pickings
to enable this grand baby larceny.
In relation to adoption, the question needs to be asked:
in what other period in the history of mankind, did young mothers defy
human nature and "willingly" give away their own newborns enmasse to strangers?
Ultimately, even the promise of a perfect life for our children
was yet another lie. Upon reunion, the astounding level of emotional neglect,
violence against, psychological and sexual abuse of our children from
infancy and beyond bears witness to that deceit. In the words of but one
distraught mother:
"They said my baby needed a father, so they gave her
to a pedophile".
THE ADOPTION OF CHILDREN ACT 1965:
THE PROPAGANDA MACHINE
From 1965 adoption propaganda had been launched to introduce
the new upcoming Adoption Act 1965. In reducing the mother's revocation
period to no more than 30 days, the new legislation making all surrendered
children as if born to the adopters and not to their own mothers (for
inheritance purposes), severing forever any further connection between
mother and child - adoption had become a hot topic of discussion in the
media, with welfare officers promoting the location and availability of
"unwanted babies" as their exciting new service to the public.
Being fully aware of their legal obligations, these same
welfare officers deceived the public (via newspaper articles) into believing
unwed mothers actually were being offered financial assistance and options,
were being warned of the potential for dire future regret if deciding
upon adoption, and assuring them she actually had to insist upon the adoption
of her child. But never did they advertise the tactics used to manipulate
them into surrendering their babies.
Knowing perhaps all too well the public would not tolerate
baby theft, they kept their deceptive de-babying procedures - conveniently
hidden from public gaze.
Although outlawing independent baby traders, the new protection
clause introduced into the new Adoption Act 1965 regarding the
treatment of unwed mothers had been entirely disregarded as the industry
introduced practices that simultaneously contravened its own legislation,
allowing the newly "respectable" licenced adoption agencies to simply
turn baby trading into a major industry - and a very lucrative one at
that - providing lifetime careers for agents, finders fees for the location
of suitable babies, and selling babies tastefully, by way of discreetly
demanding tax exempt and often huge donations from adoptive parents -
for services rendered.
So certain were they of a constant supply of babies, the
industry continued taking non-refundable application fees (deposits) on
"unwanted babies" who were yet to be conceived. And although the baby-well
began drying up in 1976, by 1986, 2,000 applications had been accepted,
with only 155 babies being allotted.
Adoptions in Victoria in the 1990's relies on a lottery
system consisting of a three step procedure where, after recruiting hundreds
of potential adoptive parents (having paid administrative fees according
to their progress up the three tiered process) are culled down and eventually
the successful applicants are given a number. These numbers are placed
into a box (to be fair to all applicants) and the numbers drawn from the
lottery system are the winners of the great baby prize, needing simply
to then wait for an appropriate baby to be born. For the paid up losers,
and with so few babies now available, the industry had discovered a new
money spinner in prolonging and exploiting their loss and grief, by peddling
false hope.
Incidently, although classified as "unwanted babies", ironically,
Miss Isobel Strahan of Victoria, a social worker presiding over the boom
years in adoption, declared upon her retirement that:
"she had never met a girl who wanted to give away her
baby."
WHERE IT BEGAN TO TURN By 1971, the adoption of newborns had become well entrenched
as a "wonderful community service" being in the child's best interest.
But it was especially in the best interest of healthy white newborn babies.
With so many being harvested from their mothers during birth,
no market was available for the not quite so perfect newborns, and by
1971, according to their new Manual of Adoption Practice, it was
decided that from now on all unwed mothers should be advised before birth,
that if her baby was disabled or otherwise unadoptable, the mother may
need to be recontacted and offered financial assistance to enable her
to keep her unmarketable baby herself. Of course it never did occur, but
I suspect it was the first indication that something was going terribly
wrong with their social cleansing campaign.
Having taken so many babies, by 1972 the industry began
trying to offload their surplus stock onto already created adoptive families,
as institutions were becoming overcrowded with not perfect enough to be
adopted ones, or babies slightly older than new, coloured or redheads
- all so unnecessarily traumatised by maternal deprivation - as well as
the many older adopted children having been dumped back onto the system
when the need for a child was no longer required, or the child didn't
fix the marital problems afterall. It had become clear that only special
adopters could cope with or attach to less than ideal children, with many
others having tried to return the child a year or so after placement when
for example, the child was later discovered to be deaf, or cried too much.
Something had to be done, so in 1973 the Whitlam Government
introduced (or rather advertised) the already available (but unknown)
benefit to single mothers, in the hope apparently, that more older unwed
mothers, perhaps in defacto relationships, might consider keeping their
babies. Its purpose designed to dry up the perfect baby glut in the hope
that some adopters might begin taking the less than perfect off their
hands.
It seems institutionalised children began costing the public
purse too much in revenue.
THE LAW
In relation to the legal aspects of adoption: The state's
responsibility was to look after a child's best interest only IF a mother
had surrendered her child. whereupon the child became a state ward. It
was only then, that adoption was considered to be in the child's best
interest as the preferred option to remaining a state ward.
Except in cases of abandonment, neglect or abuse, no law
has ever alluded to adoption being in a child's best interest, over remaining
with its own mother.
Furthermore, under the NSW Limitations Act of 1969,
the consent of a minor was (and still is) unenforceable (and therefore
invalid) until a mother reaches the age of majority which was 21 years
of age and reducing in the early 1970's to 18 years. In relation to this
issue the state owed a greater than normal duty of care to unwed mothers
because of their youth.
According to fiduciary law regarding the adoption of children
within New South Wales:
The State was at all material times, in accordance with
its responsibilities in operating an adoption service through the Department
of Child Welfare, obliged to look after the interests of mothers, regarding
the "possible" adoption of their child and the potential psychological
harm such a course of action might cause them.
In the matter of adoption the State was under a fiduciary
obligation with respect to such women and was not to:
-
promote other interests over the interests of such
women;
-
advise such persons or seek to persuade such persons
to act in a manner contrary to their wishes with respect to the adoption
of children;
-
seek to persuade such women to surrender their children
for adoption as an alternative to keeping their children.
In fact, the use of the term "in the best interest of the
child" to obtain a consent, could very well be interpreted as duress if
contested in a court of law.
A further relevant legal factor is the significant protection
clauses introduced into the new Adoption of Children Act 1965.
In New South Wales, Section 31 of the Adoption Act states
that: a consent may prove invalid under the terms of the Adoption of
Children Act 1965, if a mother has been subjected to duress or undue
influence. Refusing a mother permission to see or handle her child prior
to her signing the consent, or putting obstacles in her way of asserting
this right may readily be interpreted as duress if the validity of a consent
is being contested. In the same context any comment or actions by staff
members which the mother could see as pressure to persuade her to place
her baby for adoption run the risk of later bearing the legal interpretation
of duress. Anyone found in these circumstances to have exerted "undue
pressure" is liable to prosecution under Section 51 of the Act.
The law also states that a single mother whatever her age
is the sole legal guardian of her child and remains so until a consent
to adoption is signed. She therefore has the rights of access to her child
and cannot legally be denied this.
HOSPITAL COLLUSION = VIOLATIONS Although adoption practices were instigated by the Department
of Child Welfare, they could only be implemented by colluding with the
Department for Health - obstetric divisions.
Keeping the above protection clause in mind, although slight
variations between hospitals occurred, the overall practices introduced
into the treatment of unwed mothers followed a routine procedure commencing
with the initial ante-natal visit, where the young mother at varying degrees
of pregnancy would be directed to the hospital almoner's office (renamed
social workers in 1969), where an evaluation of her marital status was
conducted, whereupon automatic counselling toward the promotion of adoption
was assumed. Neither warnings against, nor alternatives to adoption were
being offered, and any discussion of keeping the baby was actively discouraged.
At a recent Supreme Court hearing (although unbeknown to
her), it was explained that the unwed mother's medical chart was marked
with the codes UB- meaning "unmarried, baby not keeping" or BFA meaning
"baby for adoption" to be used as a guide for labour ward staff. This
code had three functions.
Firstly, policy dictated that eye contact between mother
and child was to be forbidden to prevent bonding (by forceably using pillows,
sheets or blindfolds over the mother's face or chest) The second was the
location of mothers postnatally. And lastly, pertained to the type of
medication to be administered to the mother (with hypnotic memory altering
barbiturates such as sodium pentobarbitol and Chloral Hydrate being the
order of the day). Stilboestrol (in illegal doses) was administered upon
birth to prevent lactation. Other hospitals used the barbaric breastbinding
process.
AN INFORMED CONSENT?
Policy then dictated that some time after the birth, a mother
would be visited by a social worker (after having been conveniently traumatised
and sedated) and if it was then indicated that the baby (she had been
forbidden to see or to bond with) was to be adopted, an unknown district
officer from the Department of Child Welfare would then be called upon
to take the consent.
The consent taker was usually the allotment officer working
on behalf of the adopters. No mother was ever asked if she would like
to keep her baby as adoption was automatically assumed. This intolerable
conflict of interest meant that if the consent wasn't signed, her clients
wouldn't get the baby.
(Incidentally - the documents a mother signed surrendered
her parental right to raise and have further contact with her own child,
but at no time is she referred to as anyone other than the natural mother
of her child.)
Being strictly the social workers' domain, hospital staff
were forbidden to discuss adoption matters with unwed mothers lest it
interfere with the process at hand. And according to the records of one
major maternity hospital in Sydney, having prided itself on separating
over 40,000 babies from their mothers (which was almost half of all NSW
adoptions) her medical chart would be marked with the term "awaiting social
clearance" prior to, and "socially cleared" upon a consent being taken,
thus permitting the mother to then legally leave the hospital.
If she attempted to discharge herself from hospital prior
to being "socially cleared", her records indicated the police were to
be informed. These practices only began to change after 1982, when the
Health Commission of NSW (having smelt a rat within the industry some
years earlier) eventually distributed a warning to every hospital within
the State to clean up their act - as their practices in the treatment
of unwed mothers were contravening the Adoption Act on mental health
and legal grounds.
In 1984, NSW Parliament again reminded the industry that
before surrendering her child, unwed mothers were to be informed of the
consequences of adoption, and this time it was to be in writing. But of
course this is yet to occur, leaving adoption agencies wide open to litigation
for persistently breaching their duty of care.
SOCIAL BETRAYAL Realising too late that she had been a victim of the ultimate
social betrayal, her shamed silence coming not from her out-of-wedlock
pregnancy as is assumed, but from signing a document that surrendered
her own baby to be exploited by a system that had preyed upon her vulnerable
state, and offered her no option but adoption. It was that alone which
resulted in a social stigma by far greater than becoming a sole parent
could have ever been.
Condemned by her community for her out-of wedlock pregnancy,
betrayed by her own family, and deceived by an industry that promoted
adoption as being in her child's best interest, society needed a scapegoat
to justify the social raping of her womb during birth - and so the de-babied
mother (often little more than a child herself) conveniently became:
"the sort of mother who could give away her own flesh
and blood".
Simultaneously, the child in whose interest adoption was
meant to be, traumatised by having been snatched from his mother's womb
as if a living stillbirth, was to live with the pain in being led to believe
his own mother willingly gave him away, resulting in oppression and a
social rage that comes with the stigma of being labelled - an unwanted
child.
CONSEQUENCES
The devastating and irresolvable psychic trauma inherent
in having introduced adoption policies condoning the tampering with nature,
by interfering in the process of completing the very primal act of giving
birth between a mother and child, is something so heinous and so psychically
destructive, that few health professionals dare touch it, and instead
choose to minimise, and keep the lid on the catastrophic consequences
of such separation, by preferring to view it as grief and loss.
CONCLUSION Conclusion: evil comes in many forms, and perhaps
the true nature of the adoption industry's collective sociopathic mind,
can be summed up in the words of one former adoption policy maker and
social worker in charge at a major Sydney hospital where, in a written
statement presented at a recent Supreme Court hearing - when asked if
it was known to professional persons of moderate sophistication in 1968,
that a mother would suffer psychological harm if forced to surrender her
child to adoption. Her answer was:
"Health authorities were aware of the potential for
harm in that sphere of time".
Furthermore, in their attempt to deflect the reality of
the adoption happy era, a 1984 Review of Adoption Policy and
Practice in NSW described traditional adoptions as being:
"largely a phenomenon of a social era that is past."
Compiled predominantly by social workers active throughout
the "bumper adoption era", the report conveniently failed to acknowledge
that the adoption "phenomenon" to which they referred, came about as a
direct result of a contrived and contemptuous corruption of the law, by
the entire adoption industry, in collusion with the Health Department,
in breaching their duty of care toward the emotional health and wellbeing
of their patients/clients, and in having denied unwed mothers their legal
rights, their options, and their dignity as mothers and as human beings.
I very much doubt that adoption will safely be swept under
some historical rug as having been a mere social phenomenon, but will
rather come to be seen as yet another vile social cleansing chapter in
Australia's family destroying and child hating history.
And how was it possible that such contempt of the law and
of basic humanity towards mothers and their babies could have been tolerated
for so long? Because (according to at least one lawyer in NSW), up until
now it has never been challenged.
RECONCILIATION And finally a word on reconciliation.
To consider reconciliation before establishing national
awareness of the true nature of adoption, before mothers are released
from their unfounded guilt in having surrendered their babies, before
our children learn the truth, before we have accountability, justice,
and restitution for these crimes, in whatever form that takes, is an outrage
to those of us whose lives have been so adversely affected by this monstrous
perversion of nature.
As to whether it is humanly possible that any mother can
ever reconcile the loss of her own living child: that will only be determined
by the mothers upon whom these atrocities occurred. And that is at least
one right of theirs that is certainly non-negotiable.
The focus of this paper is in understanding that healing
for mother and child does not, and cannot occur when based upon a lie.
We cannot change the past but perhaps in the interest of all concerned,
we can begin dispelling the myth upon which our lives have been based
- by setting the record straight.
This paper has been dedicated to my son - in his best interest.
...............................
Copyright: Dian P. Wellfare, 15th June 1997
Copies (or part thereof) may only be reproduced with acknowledgement
of the author and Origins Incorporated (NSW).
Acknowledgements.
With greatful thanks to both Wendy Jacobs and Robyn for
providing the psychiatric case studies and historical newspaper articles
listed in this papers reference material, and with special thanks to the
many hundreds of Mothers who shared their painful testimonies of oppression,
abuse, and humiliation suffered at the hands of both the adoption industry
and hospital staff - this is for us.
...............................
"and there follows a mist and a weeping rain
.....and life is never the same again."
...............................
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